Chapter 6 Part 2

The Life of James Arminius
Chapter 6, Part 2 of 3.

This biography of James Arminius was written in Latin by Caspar Brandt, published by Gerard Brandt in 1724, and translated to English by John Guthrie in 1854.
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On all these circumstances connected with the call of Arminius to the professorship we have judged it proper to enter more minutely into detail, both because of the great light thrown on our path by the manuscript journals of Uitenbogaert, who besides being present as an eye and ear witness, was himself a prime actor in the business; and also because some writers of the present age, in recounting this matter, have, partly in gross ignorance of the things transacted, and partly in bad faith, advanced much on the subject that transcends very far indeed the boundaries of truth. On this account particularly, James Triglandius, as compared with others, is in the highest degree blameworthy, and deserves to have branded on him a special mark of condemnation [Vid. Trigland. Hist. Ecclesiast. pag. 287.]. If his testimony be entitled to credit respecting the canvassing which Arminius is alleged to have systematically, and with downright servility, prosecuted among his colleagues in order to obtain his dismission, and indeed respecting the entire course of his life, to which he makes reference in the same place, then certainly Arminius has done many things which must be pronounced utterly unworthy of an honourable and dignified teacher of the Church. But, in truth, how sorrily the author named fulfils the duties, in this case, of an ingenuous historian, may be inferred from the fact, that the most of those things which tend in the highest degree to stir bad feeling against Arminius, and which, in giving an account of his call to the professorship, he pretends to have himself taken from the very acts of the Amsterdam presbytery, are in fact by no means to be found in those acts which this ecclesiastical court drew up in the course of that year; unless, perchance, we must regard as authentic acts a certain rough and garbled account of the transactions which, after a long interval of time (about the year 1617) [Vid. G. Brantii Parentis mei F. M. Apolog. pro Hist. Reform. contra J. Rulaeum Belgice conscript.], and amid the most fervent heat of the controversies respecting predestination, was drawn up in favour of that very bitter antagonist of the Remonstrants, Adrian Smout, for the most part by P. Plancius — the indefatigable calumniator of Arminius even after his death — who took care to get it inserted among the acts of the Amsterdam Presbytery. That Triglandius really trod in the footsteps of this slanderer, and drew those things which concern the life and call of Arminius from this document of Plancius, was disclosed by John Eulasus, a respectable minister at Amsterdam not so long ago, who, pressed by the native force of truth, was constrained to confess the fact in the same little work [Ex Lib. J. Rulaei cui titulus G. Brantii audax simulatio Belg. idiom. script.] in which he sets himself, with sufficient acerbity, to assail Arminius, and my father of happy memory, the defender of Arminius.

Of little avail, in like manner, to the prejudice of Arminius, are the testimonies cited by this same Triglandius, and appended to the narration drawn up by Plancius, of the following ministers, Hallius, Ursinus, and Lemaire, respecting the protestations of Arminius, and the pledge that he gave them, that 'he would advance nothing whatever in the Leyden Academy prejudicial to the peace of the Church; nay, that he would keep to himself his private opinions, and such as were repugnant to the consent of the Reformed Churches, until the meeting of the next National Synod.' For, besides that little weight is to be attached to these private declarations— which, moreover, were drawn up in behalf of the zealot whom we have named above (Smout), and that seven years and more after Arminius's death — Arminius constantly declared what is ascribed to him in these testimonies, and reserved a full explanation of his opinion on the subject of predestination to a general council of the churches; until at length, in consequence of the growing strifes 'stirred by many in relation to this question, he, by order of his superiors, and in the very assembly of the States, disclosed all the sentiments and all the scruples of his mind. Whether and how far by this deed he is to be held guilty of violated faith, and rightly and justly to be regarded as the leader and instigator in rending the peace of the Church, the following line of narrative will yet more clearly show.

The following words which he wrote to Uitenbogaert, shortly after he obtained his dismission, clearly indicate with what modesty of mind, and aversion from every appearance of canvassing, the subject of our memoir bore himself in this delicate conjuncture:— 'My beloved friend, there is one thing which vehemently distresses me. How shall I be able to satisfy such a great expectation? How shall I be able to prove myself to be in some measure worthy of having so mighty a movement set agoing on my account? But I console myself with this consideration alone, that I have not courted the professorship, and that the curators were warned of those things which have happened before they had determined anything on the subject of my call.' [Ex Arm. Epist. ad Uitenb. 26 Ap. 1603.].

Meanwhile, Arminius by no means dreaded the appointed conference with Gomarus, but awaited its issue with a perfectly tranquil mind. Nay, when his familiar friends had various consultations among themselves as to the plan of the conference about to be held, and some were desirous of having it arranged through the honourable curators that this conference should be held privately with Gomarus rather than in the presence of the deputies of the churches, so far was he from any inclination to lend an ear to this advice, and elude the condition stipulated by the brethren in Amsterdam, that he gave vent to his feelings in the following words:— 'And to what suspicions shall I then be exposed! For I shall be regarded as not merely suspected of heresy, but also, and thus far distrustful of my own cause, that I dare not to enter on the conference in the presence of the deputies of the Synod. I would rather confer with the entire Synod, and with the two Synods (of North and South Holland) than give occasion, even the least, for judging otherwise of me than that, cultivating a good conscience in all things, I do not dread the most prolix conference, yea not even the most rigid examination.'

The sixth day of May was accordingly announced for this conference to be held, in terms of the stipulated condition; and it took place at the Hague, in the house of the noble Lord of Norderwick, in the presence not only of Arnold Cornells, and Werner Helmichius, in name of the churches of North and South Holland, but also of these most influential and learned men, Nicolas Cromhout, Rumboldt Hogerbeets, and J. Uitenbogaert, whom the honourable curators of the Academy had earnestly invited to grace the occasion. First of all Gomarus marvelled, and took it amiss, that he saw no delegate present from the Church in Amsterdam, notwithstanding that the noble curators, in a most courteous letter delivered to the ecclesiastical court of that city, had besought that some one in their name should be present at the conference now to be held. For this divine thought it not quite proper that those should be absent on whose account principally he himself had come hither: affirming, moreover, that he was 'but little acquainted with the discourses and opinions of Arminius; that the greater part of the doubts respecting him had been stirred by the brethren in Amsterdam; and that it was their part, in consequence, to instruct and advise him in reference to the mode and 'subject matter of this conference.' At length, after a few preliminary explanations by the honourable curators, of the leading object of the meeting, the learned divine declared, that 'although he would rather that this province had not been committed to him, he yet reckoned it a debt which he owed to the cause of truth to undertake its defence, agreeably to the request of brethren, as far as circumstances might demand.'

Arminius, on the other hand, exprassed the utmost delight that he saw presented to him this most excellent and long-wished for opportunity of vindicating the innocence of his good name. An agreement was forthwith made as to the order and heads of the subjects to be considered; when Arminius, first of all, judged it right that the principle ought to be borne in mind, that 'not every difference concerning religion respected the essentials of faith, and that those who dissented in certain points which did not affect fundamentals, were entitled to forbearance.' In corroboration of this claim he instantly cited a certain celebrated saying of St Augustine; and was proceeding to adduce more opinions to the same effect, from ancient as well as recent divines, when Gomarus objected, declaring it to be superfluous, and that 'the one point to be settled was, whether those questions of which they were about to treat ought, or ought not, to be regarded as essentials.' [Ex Diario M.S. Uitenb.]. He maintained the affirmative; Arminius maintained the negative, and proceeded forthwith to establish the truth of his position.

Chapter 6 Part 1

The Life of James Arminius
Chapter 6, Part 1 of 3.

This biography of James Arminius was written in Latin by Caspar Brandt, published by Gerard Brandt in 1724, and translated to English by John Guthrie in 1854.
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CHAPTER VI.

FURTHER PROSECUTION AND SUCCESSFUL ISSUE OF ARMINIUS' CALL TO THE PROFESSORSHIP. A.D. 1603.

Arminius meanwhile, not unaware of those things which were in agitation against him, strove to bend all his plans to this one aim, that of finding out a way in which he might defend himself against the criminations of his adversaries, and disarm them of their power. In particular, feeling keenly that he had been covered with stigmas in the hearing of Barneveldt, it appeared to him in the highest degree desirable that he should maintain the stainlessness of his reputation in the presence of that most exalted man; and that before presenting himself at the Hague he should intimate his purpose to the honourable magistrates, and in addition to them, to Helmichius himself, and others who had branded so black a stigma on his name.

He was prevented, however, from carrying into effect this purpose and journey by the adverse state of his health, having been seized with a catarrh contracted by cold, which violently affected his brain and adjacent parts. He informed Uitenbogaert of his circumstances, and, moreover, disclosed to him the state of his mind and his wish, in the following words [Epist. Eccles. Ep. 58, pag. 109, 110.]:— 'Would that this might be obtained from the most noble Barneveldt, namely, that they should receive orders to proceed against me before him, I being present. This verily I aim at and desire far more ardently than that which they think I desire — I mean the theological professorship. But I thoroughly persuade myself (and thus, surely, it ought to turn out) that those good men will not obtain credit with considerate persons, especially as he who is aimed at stands forth for his lawful defence, and is an elder against whom no one has a right to take up an accusation except under two or three witnesses. My opinion, therefore, is, that that journey is not so urgently necessary at this time in consequence of the departure already of a large proportion of the deputies, to whom Helmichius might appeal were I to institute proceedings with him. Meanwhile there remains with me the full right of originating an action at law against hun, and also against the rest who are associated with him. In regard to this, I shall consider, from your advice and that of others, what to do. If, however, you deem it needful that I should open my mind to you in reply to a few queries, you may transmit them in writing, and I will answer you with the utmost plainness and sincerity; for I am unwilling either to commit or to omit anything that might tend either to promote or to impede my call; inasmuch as I have resolved to commit myself wholly to the will of God, that I may be able to maintain a good conscience whatever may be the issue of the affair. In the meantime, I would have you to be of good cheer, and moderate your grief, for well I know how needful is this request. The Lord God will provide and grant that success which he knows will be most conducive to his own glory and the edification of the Church — yea more, and to the salvation of me and mine. On Him I cast all my care: He will bring forth my righteousness as the light, and my judgment as the noon-day.'

During all this time, the honourable curators of the Academy, promising themselves better things of Arminius than rumour held out, had resolved to leave nothing untried by which they might gain Arminius and their wish. Nay, communicating their counsels to the illustrious Prince Maurice, they strenuously besought him to associate with them some one to act in his name, for the furtherance of this business with the people of Amsterdam. To this petition, the Prince gave his gracious assent; and forthwith summoning Uitenbogaert into his presence (on the 13th March), he entreated him, in kindly terms that he would not scruple to undertake this province, as being in great measure an ecclesiastical one — and pledged his faith to furnish him with credentials. Armed with these, he at length, along with the honourable J. Dousa, and N. Zeistius, Syndic of Leyden, set out for Amsterdam on the first day of April; being followed, a little after, by the honourable Neostadius and Nicolas Cromhout, the chief senator of the supreme court: this last the curators had called to their assistance, his influence being very powerful with the Senate of Amsterdam. To smooth for themselves an easier path to the attainment of their end, they judged it expedient to hold interviews, in the first instance, with several of the magistrates, and ministers of the Church. Having on the 5th April, accordingly, obtained public audience of the honourable magistrates, they explained, at length, their reasons for the journey they had undertaken, — Cromhout maintaining the cause of the curators, and Uitenbogaert prosecuting the orders of the Prince [Ex Diario MS. Uitenb.]. They pressed their petition to obtain Arminius, on a variety of grounds; the rulers, on the other hand, set forth the merits of their pastor, and his useful and necessary services in refuting the opinions of different parties on points connected with religion; and declared that they could not dispense with the ministry of so great a man. These, and other arguments of the kind, the curators bent in their own favour, and vigorously retorted; at length the rulers replied that they would deliberate further on the matter, and gave permission, besides, to treat with the ecclesiastical court respecting it.

At a meeting, accordingly, convened on the 8th April, the delegates of the Academy submitted to the presbytery the same reasons for their proposal which they had advanced in presence of the magistrates; in addition to which, the better to promote their object, they held out the hope, and gave the pledge that should the leading men of the church of Amsterdam resolve to substitute in the place of Arminius, after his dismission, another eminent pastor, yea, and even to renew their call to Baselius, the very eloquent minister of the church at Bergen-op-Zoom, from whom they had previously met with a repulse, the illustrious States and the Prince himself, would exert themselves to the utmost for the realisation of their wish. The presbytery shortly after, having previously spent some time in deliberation, came to the decision (on the llth April) to intimate, through certain delegates to the honourable magistrates, that 'Arminius more than others was bound to his own church, and that they would decidedly prefer that he should be retained.' [Ex Actis Synod. Eccles. Amstel.—Vid. Trigland. Hist. p. 286.].

This decision of the ecclesiastical court being, in the opinion of the rulers, expressed in somewhat dubious and too general terms, they demanded of them a more extended counsel and resolution in respect to the business in question [Ex Diario MS. Uitenb.], on which the presbytery decreed to treat, through the same delegates, with Arminius himself. These delegates, accordingly, setting on him with expressions of caressing blandishment, ardently besought him that he would suffer himself to be induced to devote his services and fulfil his pledge henceforward to this church. Arminius replied, that 'formerly, indeed, he had been less inclined to undertake this professorial office; but now, as matters stood, he felt himself rather impelled to undertake it, and ask his dismission. He had his own reasons for thinking that were his dismission refused, it would no longer be in his power to subserve the interests of the Church in Amsterdam. But if, perchance, the expense originally laid out in enabling him to prosecute his studies should be alleged as an objection to his obtaining a dismission, he would rather make restitution to them than that this call should be set aside. He was moreover prepared, in presence of the delegates of the Synod and of the Church, to hold a conference with the eminent Gomarus.' [Ex Actis Presb. Amstelod. citatis a Trigland. p. 286.].

On learning this, the magistrates expressed no small solicitude and fear in reference to this business, lest Arminius should happen to suffer in his health from taking the refusal of his dismission too deeply to heart, and thus become useless alike to the Church and to the Academy, and many groundless rumours be thereby created; on which grounds they urgently demanded of the ecclesiastical court a further deliberation on the matter. But the presbytery here began to weave occasions of delay, and to differ somewhat among themselves—some charging Arminius with bad doctrine, while others defended him. Wherefore, having again requested an audience, on the 13th day of April, at the close of the evening service, the above-named delegates of the Academy presented themselves before this ecclesiastical assembly. They tried in every variety of way to impel the presbytery to dismiss Arminius, and to urge them to give a full deliverance. They further declared, through Uitenbogaert, who acted as their mouth, that 'as they perceived that the tergiversation of this meeting was grounded on the wrong suspicions of some respecting Arminius, they would abandon this call on the spot if the ecclesiastical court would, in express terms, accuse him of bad doctrine. The care of the Academy had been committed to them, and its welfare lay much too near their heart to allow them to consent to have any connexion with a divine of unsound views. But if, nevertheless, any doubt should yet cling to the minds of some, they pledged their faith that Arminius should not be installed into this academic function before he had given full satisfaction to his future colleague, the distinguished Gomarus.' [Vita Uitenb. Belgice ab ipso conseripta, cap. vi.].

After hearing this, and holding some further consultation on the matter, the presbytery at last gave their consent to the dismission requested [Ex Actis Presbyt Amstelod.—Vid. Trigland. Hist. Eccles.], the following stipulation being made:— 'First, Arminius shall not leave Amsterdam to enter on this new function until the church of this city be provided with another pastor, learned and pious, and if practicable, Baselius; secondly, after holding a conference with Gomarus on certain points of Christian doctrine, before the delegates of the churches, he shall wipe away all suspicion of heterodoxy by a candid explanation of his own opinion; and also, thirdly, should he happen at any time spontaneously to make up his mind to resign the office of professor, or should necessity urgently demand his services for the church in Amsterdam, he shall be at liberty to resume the pastoral function.' This ecclesiastical decision was laid before the honourable magistrates on the following day (the 15th April), who, after first convening and taking into their counsel the illustrious senate of the city, also gave their assent. Informed immediately of this result, the curators of the Academy expressed their thanks; and having obtained, a little after, the consent of Arminius himself, they set out on their journey homeward with great delight.

Chapter 5 Part 3

The Life of James Arminius
Chapter 5, Part 3 of 3.

This biography of James Arminius was written in Latin by Caspar Brandt, published by Gerard Brandt in 1724, and translated to English by John Guthrie in 1854.
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But they, not deeming it of any consequence to attend to this warning, straightway divulged the same doubts respecting Arminius, which they had brought out in that conference, to the Grand Pensionary of the States of Holland, as well as the curators of the Academy, commending the Academy to their care, and adding the request that they would see to it that the peace of the institution be not disturbed. They replied in general terms, that 'they would take care of that matter.' [Ex Diario MS. Uitenb.].

But the curators, suspecting on good grounds that certain parties were pushing this business with far too great animosity, and that under it there lurked much envy against Arminius — nay, further, that if by this pretext of heterodoxy he should be driven from the professorship, his public usefulness also would be very apt to be sacrificed in that church to the ministry of which he had devoted himself — were of opinion that it was their duty still to prosecute the call. More than that, Arminius having taken a journey to the Hague at this conjuncture (January 21, 1603), to despatch some ecclesiastical business in name of the Amsterdam Classis, they called him into their presence, informed him of their determination, and begged that he would not scruple to give them the hope and pledge that he would accept the office of professor; and that they would take steps, and strive with all their weight, to induce the magistrates and church of Amsterdam to give in like manner their consent to the arrangement. This, however, Arminius modestly declined, giving the same reply that he had previously given to Uitenbogaert, and to the other delegates of the academic council.

Shortly after, having returned home, and obtained an opportunity of holding a familiar interview with that minister of Delft (Arnold Cornelis) who had presided at the above-mentioned conference held at the Hague, and who was spending some days in Amsterdam, he began (Jan. 27) to deal with him freely — partly complaining of the injurious judgment of certain individuals, and partly clearing and defending himself. He added, that 'that method of acting did not appear to him to be sufficiently Christian, and that another ought to be adopted of a more positive sort, and more in accordance with Christian candour.' [Ex Epist. Arm. inedita Script. ad Uitenb. 28 Jan. 1603.]. Still further, referring to that conference, and to the steps which, thus far, the deputies of the churches had taken against him, Arminius observed: [Namely to Uitenbogaert, in the letter referred to in the preceding note, giving an account of his interview with Cornelis the day before, and containing the expressions quoted in the previous sentence.—TR.] —'It seems evident to me, that all their deliberations and acts have proceeded from a certain groundless fear, induced by the calumnious reports respecting me of certain individuals whom I have declared myself easily able to confute with the actual truth, if opportunity and place were only granted me for defending myself.'

But a suspicion once entertained of the heterodoxy of Arminius had fixed its roots too deeply in the minds of those entrusted with the welfare of the churches, (viz., the deputies) to allow themselves to be deterred from their undertaking by any arguments of his. Wherefore, taking into consideration the proceedings up to that point of the curators of the Academy, these ecclesiastical deputies set out for the Hague towards the end of February; and in the presence of Oldenbarneveldt renewed the same complaint that they had formerly lodged as to the dangers to which the Academy would be exposed by this call of Arminius, following it up with the request that he would not refuse to exert his influence with these same curators in order to impede its progress. The grounds on which they contended were the same as before, with the addition of this other, by the colleague of Arminius, Werner Helmichius, namely, that only very lately Arminius had taught in public that 'God had not yet sent a bill of divorcement to the Church of Rome.' [Vide Vitam Uitenb. cap. v. Trigland. Hist. Eccles.]. These words Arminius had used in the course of expounding the second chapter of Revelation, and thence some of his enemies had snatched a handle for the suspicion that he had an undue leaning towards that very impure Church, and had undertaken its defence.

But it escaped Helmichius, and even the most honourable the Grand Pensionary of Holland, to whom at first sight such a saying appeared absurd, that F. Junius, besides often and openly maintaining the same opinion in his public prelections and disputations, had given that exposition almost in the self-same words, in a certain excellent treatise On the Church. On this account, Uitenbogaert, the moment he was informed of the accusation referred to, handed in that treatise to this most eminent man for his perusal; and added that many besides Junius, and these too of no mean name among Reformed divines, had expressly maintained the same thing, not with the view of patronising that meretricious Church, but rather to set forth the benignity of the supreme and ever-blessed God, who, inasmuch as certain traces of Christianity still remained in that Church, was even yet urging it to repentance.

This act of Helmichius, moreover, was regarded by the patrons of Arminius as anything but handsome; for they deemed it most iniquitous that this eminent clergyman had not only ventured, in the presence of a man of such great authority, to defame an absent colleague, and that too without ever having communicated with him on the matter, but also that he should demand of that same high personage to keep secret evinced that he by no means acquiesced in the opinion of the great Calvin on Predestination, and that this circumstance was fraught with imminent danger to the Academy. Uitenbogaert owned that that opinion laboured under serious difficulties which he himself was not able to extenuate or remove; but from this there was no ground to apprehend dissension, provided Arminius, while temperately maintaining a milder view of that question, accepted in a fair and liberal spirit the modest defence which Gomarus and others might put forth for their opinion. Here Helmichius affirmed that the doctrine of an absolute decree of Reprobation had been received by the Reformed Church; and that those who were of a different sentiment might be tolerated in the Church, provided they imposed silence on themselves and abstained from running that doctrine down. Uitenbogaert replied, that he for his part was one who could not assent to that opinion, which, in fact, ought by no means to be attributed to the entire Church of the Reformed, but only to certain particular divines. Nay it was those rather who rejected that horrible decree (as Calvin himself calls it, in express terms, when treating of Reprobation) that ought to be asked to bear patiently with its patrons and defenders. Further, on Helmichius asserting somewhat warmly that there were certain parties in Amsterdam who were prepared to establish against Arminius more charges still, and of greater weight, should this academic invitation be further pressed, Uitenbogaert rejoined, that 'insinuations of this kind were made in manifest contravention of the law of charity, yea, and of truth. He perceived that a tyranny altogether new, and which he would by no means submit to, had been introduced into the Reformed Church. Individuals there were who spoke of that Church none otherwise than if it were exempt from all liability to error, and stood in need of no further reform. Hence no one dissenting, even in how trivial soever a degree, was to be tolerated: and the blot of heresy was to be forthwith daubed upon those who owned as much as a slight difference, or even doubt, in respect to any article of faith and doctrine. As an effusion from this bitter fountain, a certain minister had ventured to call Arminius a heretic. In this way all liberty of friendly conference on points of Christian doctrine was precluded; and from this it was to be feared still greater troubles would arise.'

This conversation was scarcely ended when the celebrated Gomarus also came to the Hague, and had a lengthened interview with Uitenbogaert on the same affair. On this occasion Gomarus, with a mind thoroughly excited (as far as it might be allowed to conjecture from his countenance), began to rate him for his commendation of Arminius, whom he styled a man of impure doctrine — adding that he (Uitenbogaert) had rashly mixed himself up with academic affairs. This commendatory act Uitenbogaert vindicated on a multitude of grounds, and strove with all his might to wipe away the injurious aspersions from his absent friend; when immediately Gomarus, producing the reply of Armiuius to the communication of Junius (which a few days previously, he stated, had been handed to him by Casimir, the son of Francis Junius), declared that he would prove directly that Arminius maintained not only impure, but even impious doctrine [Ex Diario MS. Uitenb.]. To substantiate this allegation he instantly quoted, from the very autograph of Arminius, the following statement: that 'by no divine decree is the human will determined either to the one side or the other' — adding, 'That is an impious sentiment!' To this Uitenbogaert replied, that 'it was not impious to say that God did not determine those things which he himself was unwilling to determine. Arminius would render a just reason for that saying. Nay more, the very celebrated Junius had said nearly the same thing in his treatise "On the first Sin of Adam." '

Quitting this subject, Gomarus turned the conversation into another channel, alleging that the opinion of Arminius on the seventh chapter of Romans was manifestly at variance with the doctrine of the churches. Here Uitenbogaert put the question, on which article it was of the Confession and Catechism that the above-named interpretation impinged? Gomarus replied, that the doctrine of the churches was to be determined not only by these received formularies, but to a very great extent from the consent of the pastors. But to this Uitenbogaert rejoined, that a saying of this description savoured of Popery; and that he knew no other consent of the churches in doctrine but that which is contained in the express words of the Confession.

On this, Gomarus made reference to the subject of Predestination, and acknowledged that that decree might be modestly discussed, and Arminius borne with, provided he would deport himself with moderation. Then Uitenbogaert at length seizing this opportunity, gravely and courteously admonished this divine 'not to give way to his own feelings more than was meet, and allow himself to be carried away by the perverse judgments of others respecting Arminius;' adding, 'that Arminius never would undertake this office without, in the first instance, holding a friendly conference with him in reference to these and other difficulties. Nothing did Arminius desire more than to cultivate a fraternal friendship with him; and his resolution was rather to keep aloof from that office for ever than furnish occasion, even the least, for ecclesiastial strifes. Of strifes there were enough everywhere. Peace ought to be studied; nor did he doubt but that Arminius would give him the most ample satisfaction.' On this Gomarus calmly and candidly rejoined, 'that this was what he preeminently desired; that then Arminius would be to him a most acceptable colleague; and that he would tolerate all things which could be borne with consistently with the maintenance of peace and with integrity of conscience.'

Chapter 5 Part 2

The Life of James Arminius
Chapter 5, Part 2 of 3.

This biography of James Arminius was written in Latin by Caspar Brandt, published by Gerard Brandt in 1724, and translated to English by John Guthrie in 1854.
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The noble curators regarded as unduly harsh and sufficiently violent the judgment of so great a theologian respecting this eminent minister, who was held in the highest esteem by those with whom he was connected, and who up to that hour had not given the very smallest indication of an ambitious longing after the office. Gomarus accordingly was asked by these very influential men, 'Whether he really knew Arminius? and whether he had perused the correspondence he had had with Junius?' He candidly replied that 'he only saluted him once, as he descried him at a little distance; and as for the discussion with Junius, he had not indeed read it, but still he had got information respecting it through certain ministers most worthy of credit.' On this, being more straitly questioned as to who the fabricators of those charges were, he at length named Plancius.

But the chief rulers of the Academy, not disposed to attach much weight to this testimony, deemed it of the first importance to inquire more thoroughly into all those accusations by which Arminius was assailed. Wherefore, having first called into their counsel John Oldenbarneveldt, the prime minister of the States of Holland, they deemed it proper to consult Uitenbogaert concerning all these matters, and what was best to be done for the interests of the Academy. He, after a brief pause of deliberation, began forthwith to complain of the injury which Gomarus and Kuchlinus had inflicted on Arminius. Then, after giving an account of the controversy which happened at Amsterdam some considerable time previously, on the occasion of Arminius expounding the seventh chapter of the Romans, and after reading the opening and concluding portions of his discussion with Junius, he showed very plainly that what Gomarus had called 'serious disputes' had rather been the interchange of friendly correspondence. Junius besides, had cultivated a genuine friendship with Arminius; yea, and subsequently to that correspondence he had often prefaced any reference he made to him with expressions of praise. As Gomarus, however, was pushing this business with so much animosity, and that doubtless at the instigation of others whose authority was very influential in sacred matters, it appeared to him to be advisable that the call should be decided in favour of another, rather than of Arminius. As to the willingness of Arminius to undertake this professorship, it was in the highest degree doubtful; and much more uncertain was it besides, whether, in the event of his assenting to the call, the people of Amsterdam would grant him a dismission. He looked upon this movement as one full of hazard and difficulty; and so much the more difficult as he had heard Gomarus was actuated by a very strong prejudice against Arminius, and bent all his energies to this: that whatever the latter might advance in defence of his reputation and his faith, he would at once proceed to invalidate and subvert. He (Uitenbogaert) was not willing to take upon himself a business of such magnitude, or that this cause should be determined by his judgment alone. So far from this, although, according to the dictate of conscience, he had advanced what made for the commendation of Arminius, and was fully confident that Arminius would never do aught that was unworthy of himself or the Academy, he nevertheless committed this whole affair to the consideration and decision of the honourable curators. If, however, they adhered to their purpose to invite this theologian, he thought it would be in the highest degree advisable that Arminius should be made aware of all the things which had been said and done against him, in order that after hearing his reply they might be the better able to consult for their own concerns, and for the welfare of the Academy. [Ex Diario Uitenb. MS.—Vid. et Vitam Uitenb. Belg. Idiom, ab ipso conscript, cap. v.]. Thus spake Uitenbogaert in the presence of the curators. On the same day he declared to the most noble Oldenbarneveldt, a man who held the place of the highest dignity in the Republic of Holland, that 'Arminius, yea even a hundred Arminiuses, did not bulk so largely in his estimation that, for the sake of promoting him, he could be willing to have the Church and the Academy disturbed.'

Some time after, by order of the curators, he faithfully divulged everything, as far as matters had gone, to Arminius, who had been summoned by letter to Haarlem; and he earnestly besought him, seeing the matter concerned not him only, but also the entire Church besides, that he would not hesitate to declare his own mind on the subject candidly, freely, and without any reserve [Ex Diario MS. Uitentog.]. On receiving this information, which astonished him mightily, Arminius related the particulars of all the controversies which had ever been stirred against him on the ground of doctrine, and what plan he had invariably adopted in order to get them allayed. From this the conversation passed to the subject of the professorship, and of the very high esteem in which he was held by the rulers of the academy. By and by, also, according to the charge devolved upon him by these rulers, Uitenbogaert proceeded to ask him what might be his own mind and judgment as to undertaking the office. Arminius replied, that 'many reasons presented themselves on the ground of which he could prefer to remain at Amsterdam. He owned, indeed, that he was rather prone to an academic mode of expressing himself, nor was he altogether destitute of freedom in composition and in promoting the public good by his pen; but still he was wanting in many endowments of mind and genius that were necessary to the proper discharge of this function. Moreover, as he had by no means the right, he would decide nothing whatever, either on the one side or on the other, till the church and civil authorities of Amsterdam had granted him full liberty of choice. This done, he would consider what might be for the advantage of the Academy, as well as for his own. At all events he would never consent to give his services to the noble curators until he had first obtained a friendly conference with the distinguished Gomarus, and disabused his mind of all the doubts which he had conceived respecting him. He was aware how much ought to be sacrificed for the peace of the academy, and how imperatively necessary it was to apply the promptest remedy possible to the ecclesiastical dissensions so much to be deplored, rather than to contribute fresh material for their increase. Never for the sake of any dogma would he furnish occasion, even the least, to violate the peace of the Church; and in this same mind he put a fair and charitable construction on everything which the learned Gomarus had done, at the instigation, doubtless, of others, rather than of his own accord.'

This reply Uitenbogaert reported to the honourable curators of the Academy. After maturely considering and weighing the fact that divines of the Reformed Church had not always cherished the same opinion on the subject of Predestination, and that no synod of the Primitive Church had ever determined anything respecting it — yea, further, that the celebrated J. Holmann had stoutly defended, in the Leyden Academy, the same opinion which Hemmingius had maintained on that question — the curators judged that there was no call for further deliberation on the subject of inviting Arminius. On the contrary, they instantly decided on doing so; and in order to obtain their wish, C. Neostadius and N. Zeistius, men of great influence, undertook a journey to Amsterdam, which, however, failed of its end; for the noble rulers of this city (on the 19th November) not only decided that they couldnot dispense with his services, but would not permit them to treat with the ecclesiastical court on the matter.

On learning this the deputies of the churches [These were functionaries appointed by the Dutch Synods (resembling the Commission of the General Assembly in Scotland), on whom devolved a certain current and ill-defined care of the cburches, and who figare much in the ecclesiastic embroilments of that period. They were often officious; and hence Grotius calls them 'Ruling Masters.'—TR.] exerted themselves to the utmost to interpose delay, and even obstruction, in the way of this call. At an extraordinary meeting accordingly, held at the Hague, they judged it expedient to invite certain pastors to that place — Uitenbogaert being summoned among the rest. After prayer, the president of this conference, Arnold Cornelis, immediately submitted whether it would not be for the interest of the Church seriously and gravely to warn the noble Oldenbarneveldt, and the curators of the Academy as well, of the dangers which impended over the Church and the Academy, in the event of calling a man so deeply suspected of erroneous opinions; and to entreat them rather to think of calling some other who might be fit to undertake the office, and at the same time be clear of suspicion of this kind.

Uitenbogaert being asked among the first to express his mind as to this counsel, declared that he would he no party to any such thing [Ex Diario MS. Uitenb. Vid et Uitenb. Vitam ab ipso conscript. vernaculo idom. cap. v.]. After many preliminary remarks as to the danger into which those who urged such a decision would precipitate themselves in the event of not being able to prove the charges preferred against Arminius, he proceeded to explain more at length all that he himself knew of the matter, and showed that the opposition to the clergyman in question was grounded on suspicions rather than on reasons.

On this, after here repeating ad nauseam the allegation as to his very serious disputes with Junius, and the long-settled affair about the interpretation of the seventh chapter of Romans, the president of the conference openly declared, that 'Arminius was no theologian, but a young man, destitute of experience and prone to quarrels and petty disputations.' In opposition to this, Uitenbogaert rejoined, that 'this same Arminius sustained the character of a distinguished divine, and to how great an extent he was skilled in sacred things could not be altogether unknown to his present accuser, inasmuch as when on a previous occasion Arminius requested a friendly conference with him on the subject of religion, he heartily shrank from it. The frivolous objections as to his youth were also applicable to Gomarus himself; preeminently so, at all events, to Trelcatius, junior, concerning both of whom, however, in this connexion, there was a profound silence. Arminius was of full age, and possessed of a judgment thoroughly cultivated and matured. The professorial function was theoretical rather than practical, and experience was not required in universities to the same extent as in churches; still it was not to be thought that he could be devoid of experience, who had for so many years, and with so much applause, sustained the charge of by far the most influential of the churches. Besides, that he was party to discussions occasionally about sacred things was proof not of a contentious, but of a subtle mind, and gave indication that he was born for academic rather than for pastoral functions.'

On this, one objected, that 'still Arminius differed if not in substantials, at least in accidentals — (here and elsewhere in narrating the discussions of divines, we must be allowed to speak in theological rather than in chaste and classical Latin [This, it is scarcely needful to remark, is an apology interposed by our author, for deviating occasionally from his excellent Latinity into unavoidable scholasticisms.—TR.]) — and while this perchance might be connived at in the Church, in the Academy it certainly could not be borne with.' Uitenbogaert rejoined, that 'the liberty of plying controversies which did not subvert the foundations of the faith, ought by no means to be banished from academic institutions. Never had these, any more than the churches, been so well constituted but that at all times some differences, and these occasionally very serious, had existed in reference to sacred things, and yet the peace of the Church had been preserved inviolate; yea, between that very divine, Junius, and his colleague, Sohnius, at Heidelberg, and between Gomarus and Junius at Leyden-in-Holland, there had not, on all points, been a perfect agreement. The same principle applied to the case in hand. Arminius was desirous of peace, nor was any strife to be apprehended from him, although in some things he might differ from others in opinion.'

After he had thus spoken, some member of the conference vociferated, that 'everything, even what seemed safe things, furnished matter for just suspicion;' to which the very eloquent pastor of the church in the Hague further and spiritedly replied, that 'a statement of this description was diametrically opposed to Christian charity; and that it was much rather to be desired that all the ministers of the Church would more frequently recall to memory that saying of Paul, Charity thinketh no evil.' After he had uttered these words, and followed up his remarks with a very grave admonition that the brethren would act circumspectly throughout this business, and attempt nothing of which they might subsequently repent, Uitenbogaert asked leave of departure, and withdrew.

Chapter 5 Part 1

The Life of James Arminius
Chapter 5, Part 1 of 3.

This biography of James Arminius was written in Latin by Caspar Brandt, published by Gerard Brandt in 1724, and translated to English by John Guthrie in 1854.
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CHAPTER V.

ARMINIUS' CALL TO A THEOLOGICAL PROFESSORSHIP IN LEYDEN, AND THE ACTIVE OPPOSITION TO WHICH IT GAVE RISE. A.D. 1602-1603.

As the pestilence already noticed, raged not only in Amsterdam, but also through all the other cities of Holland, it inflicted, in particular, a severe blow on the Academy of Leyden in Holland, by extinguishing, within the space of two months, these illustrious lights of the Church, and most learned men, Lucas Trelcatius, senior, and Francis Junius, the former of whom expired on the 28th of August, and the latter on the 23rd of October. The Academy being deprived of these props, and standing in need of new Atlantes, the wiser class were at a loss to perceive in what way any remedy could be applied to this recent wound; Arminius himself, who was deeply afflicted by an event so calamitous to the Academy, wherever he turned his eyes, could find among foreigners very few indeed fit to undertake such a charge, and sustain, in point of eminence, the position of the dead [Ex Epist. Arm. ad Uitenb. 3. Kal. Nov.]. From France there beamed scarcely a ray of hope; for the churches of that kingdom were themselves provided with hardly as much as mediocrity in this department of study. If he turned his thoughts to Germany, it was with difficulty he could hit on more than one or two of any note. Pezelius was enfeebled by age; Grynaeus, too, was more than sixty. Paraeus was understood to be too much bound to the Palatinate. Of all the German theologians, however, the one whom Arminius judged best qualified to undertake this province (if indeed, his age, too, might not be an objection), was the distinguished Piscator, as being, in his estimation, a learned, diligent, and clear-headed divine, who, by his published writings besides, had already encircled his name with no small celebrity.

But far other, in regard to this matter, was the mind of the honourable curators of the Academy, who, deeming it not at all needful, at this conjuncture, to turn their attention to foreigners, had fixed their thoughts and their eyes on Arminius and Trelcatius, junior. Of this favourable regard on the part of these distinguished men, and indeed of most of the students, toward Arminius, shortly after the death of Trelcatius, Uitenbogaert came to be informed through the correspondence of friends. He was in the camp before Grave at the time, which he followed in the capacity of chaplain to the valiant Prince Maurice. He was first made cognizant of the fact by the letters of that distinguished youth, Hugh Grotius, and of Anthony Thysius, each of whom, after bearing testimony to the splendid endowments of Arminius, earnestly entreated Uitenbogaert that he would not refuse to interpose his endeavour, at this stage, to persuade Arminius to accept the office, should it be placed within his power [Vid. Uitenb. Hist. Eccles. p. 312.]. Thysius, moreover, in his letter to this same friend on the subject, lauds Arminius to the skies, calling him the light of the Low Countries, and a born academician.

By and by, after Uitenbogaert had returned from the camp to the Hague, the honourable senators, Cornelius Neostadius, Frankius, and E. Hogerbeets, made in his presence, at a certain party, new and honourable mention of the proposed call to Arminius [E vita Uitenbog: cap. v.]. The first of these, and along with him the celebrated John Dousa, Lord of Norderwick, were curators of the Academy, and the rest had cultivated an intimacy in study with him from their early years. Uitenbogaert at first took no part in the conversation; but at length, on being asked his opinion by this noble company of men, he very willingly added his suffrage to theirs. A few days after, Nicolas Zeistius, Syndic of Leyden, intimated, in a letter addressed to the honourable Neostadius, that the eyes of almost all the students were turned to Arminius; and not only so, but that they had resolved to present, at the next meeting of the curators, an earnest petition in favour of his being invited.

On being apprized of all this by a letter from Uitenbogaert, Arminius, so far from grasping at the situation which many were marking out for him, rather revolved in his mind a variety of reasons, from day to day, which were calculated to deter him from the idea of it altogether. For, over and above the ardent attachment of his flock to him (which he felt under the strongest obligation to repay with equal love), so great was the regard which he had conciliated towards himself from the public of Amsterdam, and its leading men, that he could promise himself henceforth to carry about with him a mind exempt from anxious solicitude as to his worldly circumstances, and even an augmentation of his respectable stipend should necessity demand [Vid. Epist. Arm. ad Uitenb.]. Add to this, that as the city of Amsterdam had the entire right of him, in consideration of having supported him during his sacred studies, it was hardly likely to surrender to the Leydeners its own alumnus, to the serious injury of the Church.

Meanwhile this favour of the curators for Arminius gave great offence to several ministers; and they left no stone unturned by which to divert the minds and thoughts of the former away from him to some foreign candidate. About this time, a certain deputy of the churches made up to the noble Neostadius, and did his utmost in disparagement of the merits of Arminius, declaring, 'that he had discovered nothing whatever in him except that he was an expert logician; but he (the deputy) had yet to learn that he was so great a theologian as to warrant his elevation to an academic chair.'

Much more strongly and sharply, however, was the proposed appointment resisted by J. Kuchlinus, the principal moderator of the Theological College, the uncle too, and at one time the colleague of Arminius [Ex Diario MS. Uitenb.]. For he began very vehemently to remonstrate with Uitenbogaert on the subject, and to start the doubt whether 'Arminius was not tainted with the Coornhertian heresy;' adding, and stoutly affirming, that 'his father-in-law, Lawrence Real, had a considerable leaning to the same.' Some time after, in presence of the curators of the Academy themselves, after a long preface about Arminius's thirst for novelties, and itch for disputation, he at length broke out in these words:— 'Pray, what shall I, an old man, do? Shall I suffer my pupils to attend the Academy, and hear and carry away with them new doctrines every day? I will not bear it; I will not suffer it; I will rather shut up my college.' Very opportunely, however, in the circumstances, this excited feeling was calmed down by the arrival of John Hauten, a man of very great sagacity, who was at that time secretary to the Academy. By his arguments the old man was brought to a stand, and forthwith began to speak in a more temperate tone.

On the very day, too, on which a meeting of the academy was held on the subject of inviting Arminius, the distinguished Gomarus, after asking permission to speak, and presenting to the honourable curators of the Academy the funeral oration with which he had performed the last honours to Junius, took occasion to intimate to them, that 'Junius, almost at the last hour of his life, implored him to commend, in his name, the Academy and the profession of theology to the special care of the curators. This charge he now implemented; nor could he with a good conscience dissemble his fear that the call of Arminius, for determining on which he understood they were assembled, would in his judgment turn out to the very serious injury of the Academy, in consequence of the heterodox opinions he entertained, and which he had made public both in his discourses on the seventh chapter of the Romans, and in those very serious disputes which he had with Junius on the subject of predestination.' To these things he added, that 'Junius himself had no favourable opinion of Arminius. In Amsterdam he had it in his power to infect one church only; but here he could infect many, not merely in this but also in other lands. In that city there were many who could enter the lists with him, and resist his attempts; but here there were very few. In the Academy there was more freedom of disputation than in the church, from which circumstance undoubtedly the fiercest contentions would arise. Arminius very likely, the more easily to advance himself to the professorship, may hold out the promise of amendment, but no faith was to be attached to his words; and in a matter of such importance it was incumbent on them to act with very great caution, lest by the introduction of such a man, and of novel doctrines, some mischief should accrue to this very distinguished seat of learning.' [Ex Diario MS. Uitenbogardi.].

Chapter 4 Part 3

The Life of James Arminius
Chapter 4, Part 3 of 3.

This biography of James Arminius was written in Latin by Caspar Brandt, published by Gerard Brandt in 1724, and translated to English by John Guthrie in 1854.
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In these same critical times, moreover, when, among the troublesome points about to be started at the following Synod, this, too, was proposed by the brethren from Haarlem — 'Whether it would not be advisable that the ministers of the churches should annually renew their subscription of the Confession and Catechism, seeing individuals might be found who, though they had subscribed on being installed into office, nevertheless, at a subsequent period, gave manifest evidence of having changed their mind.' Against this counsel and deed Arminius complained, in express terms as follows [Ex Epist. Arm. ad Uitenb. 26 Mail 1600 Script.]:— 'I am amazed at the short-sighted minds of men, who do not see that by such a step they at once cast suspicion on the good faith of all ministers, as a class of men that must be compelled to constancy in the faith by dint of annual subscriptions, and that they also scatter the seeds of daily strife. Just as if it could not happen that he who had no scruple on entering upon office, and thus subscribed with a good conscience, should begin, in process of time, to be in doubt as to any article, from which he shall not be able to disentangle himself before the recurrence of the time for the renewed subscription. Besides, this is an affair of equal concernment to all churches. Moreover, what prudent man ever deemed it to be the wont either of the State or the Church to institute a search after crimes which have not betrayed an existence, yea, and to drag into open contentions those who are meditating no evil? Do not these things appear to be the foundations of a new Spanish or Tridentine Inquisition? I write thus, not because I shrink from subscription, but as what the occasion demands.' Nay more, in the same epistle in which these statements occur, he thus animadverts on the attempt of certain of the churches: — 'It appears to me that many, as if apprehensive of being thought indifferent about ecclesiastical affairs, are meditating night and day whether they, too, might not be able to propose something to be discussed in the Synods. Such men need to be recalled to the saying of the apostle: Give attendance to reading, to exhortation, to doctrine.'

How very little, indeed, he himself came short in this last-named duty, is manifest from the fact, that during the course of a period of thirteen years he expounded, in addition to Malachi, of which we have previously made mention, almost the whole of Mark, Jonah, and the Epistle of Paul to the Galatians; and he brought to a close his exposition of Paul's Epistle to the Romans on the last day of September in the following year, 1601 [Ex Calendario Arm.]. Having despatched this work, he proceeded, in the commencement of the year 1602 [11th January.], to expound in public the Epistles to the seven Asiatic churches, which are contained in the second and third chapters of the book of Revelation.

To what extent he distinguished himself during this year, as a pious and devoted pastor and watchman of the Church, the following narrative will satisfactorily show: — A pestilential heat, which spared no class in society, raged at this time through all the country, and throughout the city of Amsterdam, the capital of Holland, and the emporium of the whole world. And yet at this crisis, as if by a miracle, and by what he could not but regard as a most manifest proof of the special providence of God, while this plague was rioting through the whole town, it did not, during this year, seize on one of the chief magistrates, judges, treasurers, superintendents of orphans, ministers of religion, elders, deacons, almoners, school-rectors, or teachers. When first the deadly scourge began its ravages, and the aggregate of funerals came to be frightfully on the increase, his mind was agitated not a little by the thought of his wife and children, and of the scanty inheritance which he had it in his power to leave them. But still, after more careful meditation on the subject, and incessant prayers to God, by his kindness, he was enabled so happily to master this temptation and anxiety of mind, that at a subsequent period he informs his bosom-friend, Uitenbogaert, in the following words, that his mind had got altogether rid of such cares as these, and steeled against the fear of death:— 'Thus far have I committed myself and my life to the divine mercy, waiting daily till he require it of me, and repay a better with usury; and this I do (I say it fearlessly, that you may rejoice,) with a quiet, tranquil, and unperturbed mind. I pray — and I earnestly entreat, yea, command you, to pray along with me, as I on my part will be ready to do the like for you — that the God of all consolation may preserve this mind with me to the last.' [Ex Epist. Arm. ad Uitenb 17 August et 1 Octob. Script.].

Fortified by this hope and confidence (although his ardour in the investigation of truth, formerly most intense, was now rapidly cooling down), he ceased not to pour out fervent supplications to God for the safety of the community, to exhort the people to prayer and sincere emendation of life, to build up the hearts of the pious by consolatory addresses, both in public and private; and whatever time he might redeem to himself from his ordinary and extraordinary duties, to devote it all, not so much to the acquisition of knowledge, as to the imbuing of his own spirit with solid piety. Nay more, this vast field of pastoral fidelity and piety having presented itself to his view, so strenuously did he discharge the duties devolving upon him, that his name deserves a place among those who are entitled to be held up as examples for the imitation of all ministers of the Christian Church. To the highest and the lowest equally did he render the offices of humanity; nor did he ever allow himself to be deterred by the perils of contagion from acting his part as an indefatigable shepherd of souls [Ex Amicorum relatu.].

It chanced about that time, as he passed along one of the poorer districts of the city, that he heard a certain lowly dwelling resound with the voice of wailing. Immediately on perceiving that the whole of that household had been seized with the plague, and were in torment arising from the most burning thirst, he not only gave money to the neighbours, who were standing by, with which to purchase a draught, but further, when not one of them dared to enter that infected abode of poverty, he himself, heedless of every danger to which by this step he exposed himself and those dear to him, intrepidly walked in, and imparted refreshment, at once for the body and the soul, to every single member of this afflicted family [Ex Epist. Arm. ad Uitenbogaert. 1 Octob. 1602 Script.].

The great aptitude, moreover, by which he succeeded in consoling the minds, and imparting satisfaction to the troubled consciences of the sick, may be exemplified by the following occurrence, which also happened in those days, and appears to us to be not unworthy of record. He was called, first by a woman, and then by a man, both labouring under a severe attack of the pestilence, both professing the Reformed doctrine, and both Christians of blameless and unsullied reputation. She possessed a penetrating judgment, and a knowledge of divine things above the average of her sex. He was skilled in the same to such a degree, as to be judged competent to act the part even of a comforter to others. Neither was known to the other. Both began to be vehemently distressed in spirit because they did not distinctly feel the certainty of the remission of their sins, and the comforting testimony (alloquium) of the Holy Spirit in their own hearts, at that time particularly, at which they deemed all this to be indispensable in the highest degree. She broke out into floods of tears; he inwardly cherished his grief; and both declared 'that they had truly endeavoured, by devout meditation of the sacred page, to stir up these best of gifts if perchance they lay buried, but hitherto without effect.' Arminius, on hearing these things, with a truly sorrowful heart, and touched with a deep commiseration of both, immediately asked, 'what was the reason why they were so grievously distressed on that account.' They replied (so exactly did the views of each correspond), 'that they thought that the certainty of the remission of sins, and the witness (testimonium) of the Holy Spirit in the hearts of believers, constituted that very faith by which a believing man is justified; and consequently that they, being at this time destitute of that certainty and that witness, must also be destitute of faith.'

Here Arminius put the question, 'if they did not believe that Jesus of Nazareth was the Christ, sent into the world by the Father, the true and only Saviour of the world; if they did not know for certain that God the Father had by him alone reconciled the world unto himself, not imputing to them their trespasses; and that this same Jesus had received power from the Father to remit sins, however aggravated, and to give the Spirit of adoption to those who believe on him — which power, too, he is in every respect ready to put forth, yea, and has solemnly promised to put forth, for the salvation of those that believe.'

On their replying that they firmly believed all this, Arminius rejoined, that 'that was the faith which is counted for righteousness; but that the remission of sins is the fruit of that faith, and that it is necessarily followed (if not in time, at least in the order of nature) by a sense of this remission in the hearts of believers, according to the saying of the Apostle, JUSTIFIED BY FAITH, WE HAVE PEACE WITH GOD, and that we are to judge in the same way respecting the gift of the Holy Spirit, who is imparted to believers, and, wherever imparted, begins to operate in such ways as the Spirit himself knows to be best for the salvation of those to whom he is given.' He then proved, by a multitude of passages, which he produced from the Holy Scriptures, that justifying faith, the remission of sins, and the sense of this remission, are things distinguished in Scripture, and stand connected with each other by the relation of sequence; explaining, moreover, the grounds and reasons why that certainty and comforting testimony (alloquium) of the Spirit, are not always felt by believers in an equal degree. To this the sick persons listened with deep interest; till at length both, sustained by patience, and the most enlarged hope of Divine aid, in tranquillity of soul awaited death — which the man met, two days after, with the utmost fortitude.

From this circumstance, Arminius felt himself in the strongest degree confirmed in his original opinion as to the necessity of accurately distinguishing between things that are most intimately related to each other, lest the confounding of these things should occasion, to some consciences, a measure of anxiety and alarm which can be dispelled in no other way than by a distinction in harmony with the exact nature of things.

Chapter 4 Part 2

The Life of James Arminius
Chapter 4, Part 2 of 3.

This biography of James Arminius was written in Latin by Caspar Brandt, published by Gerard Brandt in 1724, and translated to English by John Guthrie in 1854.
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In the meantime, Arminius, while watching to the very utmost of his ability over the interests of others, whose labours he deemed most essential for reducing ecclesiastical affairs to a better condition, was himself obliged to put up with many calumnies and injurious judgments in regard to his own aims. In what spirit he contemplated ecclesiastical matters at this time, may be inferred from one of his familiar letters to Uitenbogaert, written en the first of August, in which he pours out, in the following expressions, a soul lacerated and oppressed by the evils that overspread the Christian community: — 'How can he rejoice who, over and above the abounding impiety and unrighteousness that riots throughout the whole world, perceives in the very Church of Christ, in Christianity itself, such a great diversity of sentiment on the subject of religion — so great a license in men, it matters not of what description, to vent any sort of opinion in opposition to the truth—so much confidence and vehemence in the most of those who are in authority with their own party, in imposing and obtruding on the entire Christian Church whatever seems good to themselves, as articles of faith necessary to salvation? Truly when I think of these things, my soul melts within me, and is agitated and tost on so impetuous a tide of conflicting thoughts, that, unable to decide what part to act amid these convulsions, it finds relief only in exclaiming to its God — Give, O Lord, peace to thine Israel: peace be within its walls, prosperity within thy palaces! Heal the stripes and wounds of Joseph, that brethren and kindred, united by the one girdle of truth necessary for thy glory, and for the salvation of men, and by the one bond of steadfast love, may be allowed to celebrate thy praises in thine own house, from generation to generation.'

Almost in the same frame of mind as that in which he thus portrays the state of the Church, he, in a letter dated 8th September 1599, takes a survey also of his own position, on which he opened his mind to the same friend, in the following terms [Ex Epist Arm. ad Uitenb. 8 Sept. Script. 1599.]:— 'I am exerting myself to the utmost in teaching the truth already known to me, and in searching out what is not; yea also, in more thoroughly investigating the truth which I do know, and in establishing and confirming it on solid grounds. But these things I do in silence and in hope; putting up, meanwhile, with the preposterous zeal and scarcely sufferable vehomence of not a few, till God see meet to rid me of that annoyance, or impart to them a spirit of discretion and prudence, to temper and moderate their zeal. It is on the best of grounds, as it appears to me, that I ascribe to them a zeal without knowledge; for in nothing do I find them less engaged than in that which they are bound to by their office, of which it constitutes a part, and indeed the principal part, to investigate the truth. By reason of this, they have got possessed of an opinion and persuasion that they have already mastered the truth, so potent in the case of some of them that they venture, without premeditation, to give forth a peremptory judgment on any point, no matter what, even though a point the most difficult, and which up to that hour they had never thoroughly examined, to the great disadvantage, unquestionably, of the Christian Church, and to the certain injury of truth.'

While, however, matters were in this state, the Annual Synod of the Church of South Holland, of which at that time he acted as president, imposed upon him the task of discussing and refuting, in a single book, all the errors of the Anabaptists [Vid. Parentis mei G. Bran'ii Hist. Reform, par. ii. pag. 6.]. Not unwillingly at first did he allow this province to be entrusted to him, partly because he was of opinion that such a work might be of some use to the Church, and partly also because he rejoiced to anticipate that by this decree of the Synod he would be placed beyond all suspicion of error, and beyond all controversy. But although he had scarcely entered on the first year of this century till he addressed himself with alacrity to the work assigned him — collecting from all quarters the writings of the Anabaptists, and carefully perusing them in order to expiscate more thoroughly their ideas and sentiments on the several articles of faith — various circumstances conspired latterly to deter him from the undertaking. For the conviction gained upon him every day, that by most of his brethren this task [Ex Arm. Epist. ad Uitenb. 26 Jan. et 26 Maii Script. 1600.] had been presented to him, not in a spirit of sincerity, but with the mind and intent to elicit from himself a full expression of opinion on certain controverted points — particularly on the doctrines of Predestination and Free Will, on which these same Anabaptists had stirred controversy with the Reformed Church — that thence they might snatch occasion, in larger measure, of accusation against him; on which account he resolved, in the first instance, to prosecute the work but very coolly, and then eventually, on the ground of sundry engagements from different sides that distracted his attention, to abandon it altogether.